The legendary rapper “Tupac” appeared in a shockingly realistic Hologram image to perform “Come With me” and “Gangsta Party” with Snoop Dogg, 40, at the star-packed Coachella music festival in Indio, Calif.
Dre and Snoop Dogg brought the hologram of Tupac onstage at Coachella Valley Music and Arts Festival on Sunday (April 15) and the pair are reportedly thinking of taking the recreation out on the road.Holographic projection firm Musion hinted that its creation could end up going around the world after making its debut in California on Sunday. This follows reports earlier today that Dre and Snoop are keen on the idea of a tour with the hologram.
The duet between Snoop Dogg and a hologram of his fellow hip-hop artist Tupac, who was gunned down in 1996, stunned music fans at Coachella. The video of the performance (below) has subsequently stunned YouTube users.
The footage shows Tupac giving a shout out to the Coachella crowd before going into a performance of Hail Mary, a song that Tupac never performed live and was only released after his death. Tupac, interacting with Snoop Dogg, then segues into Come With Me and Gangsta Party before disappearing into the ether.
The performance has amazed viewers. British rapper Lethal Bizzle took to Twitter to call it “incredible”, while Katy Perry tweeted: “I think I might have cried when I saw Tupac.”
My problem with the Tupac hologram is not with the actual appearance of the ghostly visage; AV Concepts, who engineered the rapper’s likeness, deserves kudos for getting as close to the real thing as possible. Nor does it involve the moral implications of resurrecting a long-dead artist in hologram form — although it’s understandable why a lot of people could be terrified by what it means. If Tupac can make an appearance with Dre and Snoop at Coachella, why can’t John Lennon stop by a Paul McCartney show, or Kurt Cobain perform on a *shudder* Hologram Nirvana tour? Maybe the future of live music isn’t live at all, but in many ways, the trend has already begun. After all, Cirque du Soleil is currently presenting Michael Jackson‘s music to sold-out shows, Sublime reformed and toured behind their classic songs with a singer that sort of sounded like Bradley Nowell, and Elvis impersonators are still putting food on the table. If Tupac’s lovable scowl is the face that launched a thousand holograms, then the art of profiting off of live re-creations of dead artists’ music has simply progressed one step further. And if people want to shell out money to see these technological experiences, that’s nothing that should be questioned or scolded.
Colorado based producer/DJ James Egbert has really come into his own. We’ve been tracking him for a quite a while now; posting his original tracks, and also catching him at shows around town. His style continues to get more educated, technical, and unique.
This preview is of his title track from his new album “In the Beginning”. The song features vocals from his sister, recording artist Brittany Egbert. The vocals are well treated, and play nice with the electro driven synths. And as usual, James does a great job of going from calm to chaotic in the blink of an eye.
Look for this song, and the rest of the album, out on his label (Fuzion Musik) April 30th.
Released by: Fuzion Muzik
Release/catalogue number: FZN1204
Release date: Apr 30, 2012
When will the government learn that putting people like us in the position that they do will only lead to ultimate failure on their end? We are far to intelligent, we are far to driven, and we generally have far to much time on our hands. We also have the best tool humans have ever created at our fingertips anywhere we go. They should know by now that none of us are as cruel as all of us and that they should expect us. All of us. All of the time.
Occupy Wall Street websites love adding Google, Facebook, and Twitter buttons–which could give law enforcement a handy back door to track users’ actions–and identities.
Big Data is everywhere. Occupy Wall Street protesters, however, are dealing with a special challenge: Online marketers and analytics firms tracing the minutiae of their lives–including their email contacts and physical location–and possibly passing the information on to law enforcement.
According to technology researcher Tim Libert, protesters affiliated with the Occupy movement have unintentionally aided and abetted corporations in tracking them through social media and analytics plug-ins. Popular web analytics tools such as Google Analytics and Sitemeter, it also turns out, repackage website information for corporate clients. These corporate clients can then pass on information to law enforcement agencies willing to purchase the data.
Mobile users of several popular services, whose GPS locations are much more likely to be tracked by overzealous local law enforcement, are especially vulnerable, Libert said in an email to Fast Company.“I’m quite certain with the right set of database queries, Google engineers could identify specific account holders (through Google Maps) who were present at Zuccotti Park, for example. Likewise, it would be fairly trivial to compile a list of people who spent more than six hours at a time at any given Occupy encampment by looking at mobile phone records. That would give you a fairly good list of all Occupiers worldwide, who you could then place on any manner of watch lists.”
Libert found that sites affiliated with the Occupy movement often included Facebook “Like” buttons or analytics services, which lead to user information being repackaged for marketers and corporations. Using the browser plug-in Ghostery, which reveals tracker bugs, Libert discovered that 99 out of 100 Occupy sites he visited employed some sort of cookie or third-party embedded content. Facebook and Twitter buttons showed up on 47% of the Occupy sites–but these buttons are also used by those social media giants to gather detailed information on user likes and habits. Every time an Occupier clicks a “Like” button for their local Occupy movement or information clearinghouse, they also potentially add information to a marketing dossier which could be acquired by probing law enforcement. (Note: Fast Company uses over 10 services tracked by Ghostery, including DoubleClick, Google Analytics, and Red Aril.)
Twitter, Facebook, Google Analytics, Google Calendar, Google +1, and WordPress Stats were responsible for the bulk of the tracking bugs on Occupy sites. Google, WordPress, and other vendors don’t offer their invaluable (and free) web services altruistically–the price paid by the general public is detailed analysis of their personal habits. And Libert claims that it’s just a short leap from there for Google, for example, to extrapolate the real name, address, and personal interests of an individual Occupy sympathizer by cross-comparing a user’s IP address across Gmail, Google Maps, Google Calendar, and Google Search.
While it is a given that cookies and the marketing and analytics firms behind them record a staggering amount of our online lives–whether we’re activists or not–it’s a special concern for the Occupy movement. Among the privacy activist community, it has long been an open secret that law enforcement authorities routinely purchase aggregate social media marketing data to circumvent privacy laws. At the 2011 World Media Summit in New York, Jay Stanley and Susan Herman of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) disclosed that the FBI voraciously purchases marketing information on U.S. citizens from data aggregation firms. Local law enforcement agencies also routinely track citizens’ locations via GPS, often without a warrant.
The larger issue here is the ubiquitous marketing-driven soft surveillance found on the web and in the smartphone app world. Through an unconscious process of technological innovation and demand for free web services, an ever-present industry of web surveillance has been created to pay the bills for the Internet. As law enforcement agencies discover how consumer data mining and GPS phone tracking are a legal gray area, this will become a concern for all of us–not just Occupy Wall Street protesters.
Greetings friends around the globe……. When Anonymous first made big headlines in early 2008 with its protests against the Church of Scientology, dubbed Project Chanology, it was not yet apparent that Anonymous would be here to stay. Three years later, Anonymous has not only gained a sizeable collection of adversaries and critics – including government agencies, IT security companies and digital rights advocacies who criticise its methods – it has also won scores of secret and not so secret admirers, especially among the highly social media literate, digital creative class. The reputation of its members as defenders of truth and seekers of knowledge, digital avengers who cannot be lied to because they will hijack the emails of those who try, seems to strike a chord with many. What has remained unclear is just who or what Anonymous is. Popular descriptions used in the media are those as a protest movement, a hacker community, or – merging the two – as a hacktivist group. Apart from an interest in the actual individuals behind the handle, a focus has been on whether or not Anonymous has a leader or central command structure which oversees and steers it actions. While Anonymous claims the contrary – and some reports from “inside Anonymous” characterise it as a “stamping herd” of wary individuals – this suspicion does not subside. In mid-March, Gawker announced to have received chat logs from Anonymous’ “secret war room”, and evidence of “certain members doling out tasks, selecting targets, and even dressing down members who get out of line”. What has received less attention in the media is where Anonymous came from and what it is outside of ongoing activities such as last year’s Operation Payback, which targeted companies that had cancelled their service to Wikileaks, or the current Operation Sony, which began as a consumer rights protest until Sony suggested Anonymous might have been behind the PlayStation Network hack (Anonymous denies this). But these operations, and the fluctating number of individuals that engage in them at a time, are not identical with the collective identity of Anonymous, an identity that has been crafted in a collaborative effort and whose origins I am going to outline here.
Anonymous is anyone who knows the rules
This collective identity belongs to no one in particular, but is at the disposal of anyone who knows its rules and knows how to apply them. Anonymous, the collective identity, is older than Anonymous, the hacktvist group – more to the point, I propose that the hacktivist group can be understood as an application of Anonymous, the collective identity. This identity originated on imageboard 4chan.org, as a byproduct of a user interface policy called forced anonymity, also known for short as “forced anon”. Forced anon made it impossible for users to type in their name when they published a forum post. Instead, “Anonymous” would invariably appear as the default author name for any post. As a result, and in particular for the uninitiated, discussions on 4chan would seem like an absurd soliloquy, with “Anonymous” posting a message and “Anonymous” and “Anonymous” responding. What this interface policy prevented was the creation of a hierarchy among users, which is known to quickly establish itself in online forums, with older forum members dominating and “newbies” having little weight in the discussion. Anonymous’s (the group’s) present dismissal of hierarchies and leadership has its roots in this practice. The uncertainty about who is talking (or probably just talking to him or herself, feigning conversation) is characteristic of the “forced anon” experience.
Fertile ground for collaboration
While users could not inscribe their individual identities, 4chan provided a fertile ground for a collaborative play with this collective identity, generating the rules for its rhetoric and its visual appearance. During Project Chanology, these rules and generated cultural meanings could first be witnessed in action by larger media audiences – eg, in the video Message to Scientology, which popularised Anonymous’s biblical claim: “We are Legion. We do not forgive. We do not forget. Expect us.” Protesters in physical space wore Guy Fawkes masks in the style introduced by V for Vendetta, which is now widely recognised as Anonymous’s iconic look. Anonymous’s appearance with masks is not coincidental. The collective identity itself serves as a mask, allowing the bearer to do and say things that would otherwise be out of bounds. Guests at a fancy-dress party are familiar with the phenomenon: the one who dresses up as Casanova develops a talent in charming the attendees that is otherwise unknown in him. In its excess and exaggeration, the carnivalesque is also rarely free from a critique of society. On 4chan, this critique manifests itself rather crudely as a relentless and often obscene mockery of virtually everything (as the purported ‘Rules of the Internet’, No. 18, would have it: “Everything that can be labeled can be hated.”). With Anonymous, the hacktivist group, the critique is more politically refined, tackling in particular internet censorship and the suppression of information – although its backlog of activities also features interventions such as the hacking and manipulating of epilepsy support forums with flashing animations, potentially triggering a seizure in people with photosensitive epilepsy. For those who have only become aware of Anonymous over the past half year, such an intervention might seem out of character. These days, Anonymous, the hacktivist group, seeks to emphasise its advocacy of digital rights and even its trustworthiness – eg, claiming in its defence against Sony that “Anonymous has never been known to have engaged in credit card theft”. But taking sides with the most noble cause has so far not been known as a priority of Anonymous, the collective identity. While noble causes are not per se excluded, its motto – “We did it for the lulz” (read: for our enjoyment) – potentially overrides all other causes. A frequently circulated motivational poster by Anonymous warns us: “Anonymous. Because none of us are as cruel as all of us.” Anonymous, the collective identity, not only has a carnivalesque edge; it also echoes traditional African mask societies whose many functions, as Elizabeth Allo Isechei puts it, include the “exercise of male power and various forms of social control, whether over the youthful initiates or those the maskers perceive as deviant”. It must be noted that it is the mask and the temporary position outside of the social order which bestows this power on the maskers, a power which does not extend to the regular life of the individuals and their unmasked identities.
Understanding the collective
If one understands Anonymous, the group, as a contemporary, post-adolescent mask society and Anonymous, the collective identity, as its mask, activities such as Operation Payback appear in a new light: they, too, can be read as an attempt to exert social control, in this case over the companies that dropped Wikileaks as a client, through punishing them with DDoS attacks. To understand Anonymous as a collective identity, the crucial question to be asked is not who the individuals are that use the mask, but what it is that this mask allows them to do. Unlike traditional mask societies, however, gaining access to Anonymous does not require initiation through “elders” or senior members of the group. Instead, a user’s computer, web and programming skills are the decisive factor which he or she must bring or develop to be initiated. To first accumulate knowledge about Anonymous’s rules, a user must spend a considerable amount of time online – eg, on websites such as 4chan or Encyclopedia Dramatica – to become familiar with its language and understand its culture. While this might be technically relatively easy for someone who works in the media or IT industries, spending a lot of time online will be comparably more difficult for, say, a teacher or sales clerk. The details of an ongoing operation, however, are not discussed on these websites. To become an active member of the hacktivist group, users need to be able to enter IRC channels and, again, spend much time online to be able to follow the crowd if it moves elsewhere. Depending on their skills and allocatable time, some users will merely observe (including journalists – which also raises the question whether these have already become part of Anonymous or not). Others will take up more active roles within the operation. Press releases will be written, posters designed, communication infrastructure set up. While it does not seem likely that all participants in an operation are “hackers”, some activities will necessarily require the involvement of programmers and administrators. This could indeed be one of the weak spots where Anonymous, the hacktivist group, risks betraying the promise of Anonymous, the collective identity. Certain skills might translate into a more important role within an operation, and as soon as infrastructure such as a website or IRC channel is set up more permanently, it might amount to actual control. The “civil war” said to have “broken out in the ranks of headless ‘hacktivist’ collective Anonymous” on 9 May 2011 was sparked off by this very issue: “There is a hierarchy. All the power, all the DDoS – it’s in that [IRC] channel,” an Anonymous splinter group declared after having stolen the IP addresses and passwords from two AnonOps network sites – not to destroy Anonymous, but to fight back the ongoing centralisation and reform it according to its promise. The other weak spot is in Anonymous’s dealings with the media: Anonymous’s original notion of a leaderless, heterarchical organisation is antithetical to journalists’ relentless demands for quotable references from spokespersons (nor does it help that seeing one name in the news might be appealing to some participants in an operation). The media, on the other hand, have so far barely been able to reflect the distinction between members of an ongoing operation and the notion of Anonymous as a collective identity – which, awkwardly, makes everyone engaging with Anonymous a hacker in the public perception. Anonymous, the collective identity, has not only by now become a part of internet lore, it is also already being used by people to nurture a resilient self who would stand up for his or her rights if necessary. We can assume that hardly anyone of those toying with the idea of putting on Anonymous’s mask is a hacker on the verge of committing a DDoS attack – the mask may be empowering, lending them for instance an apodictic rhetoric in the defense of their information rights which not everyone might be able to muster on his or her own. As a collective idenitity, Anonymous is also about the right of wearing a mask, to make use of a speaking position that would otherweise not be available, both online and in physical space.
SCOTTIE McCLUE, THE WORLD’S FAVOURITE BROADCASTER ON THE WORLD’S TOP TALK SHOW ON TV, RADIO AND ON-LINE WILL BE HEARD STREAMING LIVE WEEKNIGHTS 9-10 PM 2100-22.00 GMT!
BACK WITH HIS OWN INIMITABLE STYLE OF BROADCASTING